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the social validity manual a guide to subjective evaluation of behavior interventions by carter stacy l 2009 10 07 hardcover

the social validity manual a guide to subjective evaluation of behavior interventions by carter stacy l 2009 10 07 hardcover

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the social validity manual a guide to subjective evaluation of behavior interventions by carter stacy l 2009 10 07 hardcoverHowever, due to transit disruptions in some geographies, deliveries may be delayed.There’s no activationEasily readIt focuses on whether the goals of treatment, the intervention techniques used, and the outcomes achieved are acceptable, relevant, and useful to the individual in treatment. The Social Validity Manual, 2e, provides background on the development of social validity, an overview of current research in social validity, and guidelines for expanding the practice of social validation. The book offers detailed information on scales and methods for measuring social validity across the goals, procedures, and effects of treatments utilized in various fields. The second edition incorporates advances in research findings and offers two new chapters on the use of social validity in the health sciences and how social validity plays an important role in increasing cultural awareness. Social Validity in Health Sciences 11. Organization of Social Validity Data 12. The Future of Social Validity Dr. Carter received his Ph.D. in Educational Psychology with an emphasis in School Psychology from Mississippi State University which was accredited by both the National Association for School Psychologists and the American Psychological Association. Dr. Carter is a Board Certified Behavior Analyst and a Nationally Certified School Psychologist. Dr. Carter is also a licensed special education teacher and a licensed specialist in school psychology. Dr. Carter has over 20 years of experience working as a Behavior Analyst in developmental centers, psychiatric hospitals, community living situations, and school settings. He has served as a Professor, Director, Associate Dean and Dean and has also been active in grant funded projects in the areas of professional development and capacity building through technical assistance to underserved and rural schools. He has authored 6 textbooks, on positive behavior supports, autism and inclusion.http://www.podhoru.cz/userfiles/designjet-service-manuals.xml

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The book offers detailed information on scales and methods for measuring social validity across the goals, procedures, and effects of treatments utilized in various fields.We value your input. Share your review so everyone else can enjoy it too.Your review was sent successfully and is now waiting for our team to publish it. Reviews (0) write a review Updating Results If you wish to place a tax exempt orderCookie Settings Thanks in advance for your time. Groups Discussions Quotes Ask the Author The research and application of ABA contributes to a wide range of practical areas, including AIDS prevention, education, gerontology, language acquisition and parenting, and ABA-based interventions have gained particular popularity i The research and application of ABA contributes to a wide range of practical areas, including AIDS prevention, education, gerontology, language acquisition and parenting, and ABA-based interventions have gained particular popularity in the last 20 years related to teaching students with autism spectrum disorders. Social Validity, a concept used in such behavioral intervention research, focuses on whether the goals of treatment, the intervention techniques used and the outcomes achieved are acceptable, relevant, and useful to the individual in treatment. Judgments are made (often via clinical trials) about the effects of the intervention based on statistical significance and magnitude of effect. Essentially, social validity alerts us as to whether or not the ABA-based intervention has had a palpable impact and actually helped people in ways that are evident in everyday life. This clinical research volume offers a detailed evaluation of the extant findings on Social Validity, as well as discussion of newly emerging factors which reemphasize the need for well-developed methods of examining SV.http://www.parasitenberatung.at/userfiles/designjet-t120-service-manual.xml Basic conceptualizations, measurement, research findings, applications, ethics, and future implications are discussed in full, and novel recommendations relating back to clinical treatment are provided. The volume will give readers a firm understanding of the general concept of SV, help them become familiar with the research methods and findings, and teach them how to establish and evaluate the Social Validity of individual interventions and treatment programs. Consolidates literature broadly distributed across journals and book chapters into single source Provides discussion of SV in greater depth and breadth than is found in other sources, which generally just focus on general conceptualization and broad research findings Describes how concept of SV can be influential in numerous areas of clinical practice To see what your friends thought of this book,This book is not yet featured on Listopia.There are no discussion topics on this book yet. Applied research on spacing and testing typically asks participants to study novel information (e.g., foreign vocabulary) and examine how some treatment (e.g., testing or spacing) impacts memory relative to a control group (e.g., restudying or massing). However, the typical focus of spacing and testing research is on memory, not on other kinds of learning. Kintsch (1994) drew a distinction between remembering and learning, where remembering involves being able to recall or identify a set of previously seen items. Learning, according to Kintsch, implies deeper understanding of a subject where knowledge can be used flexibly. Thus, despite sometimes impressive spacing and testing effects, it is unclear whether these manipulations enhance memory alone, or both memory and learning. In terms of making recommendations to educators, this is an important distinction. In schools, memory often is the primary outcome measure (e.g.http://www.raumboerse-luzern.ch/mieten/boss-hm-2-manual-1, most multiple choice exams), but one job of schools is to prepare people for employment where success depends on applying knowledge to novel situations. For example, remembering the historical causes of a societal collapse would allow one to perform well on an exam in school, but making a contribution outside of a school setting would require inferring what downfalls of past societies can tell us about prevention of our own societal failure. Learning, in other words, allows one to use prior knowledge to make novel connections and aid in solving an array of problems. Several studies have demonstrated that remembering and learning (in the sense described here) are independent constructs. For example, before reading a technical article about microbes, Mannes and Kintsch (1987) gave participants background material that was presented either in the same order or a different order than the article. Although participants in the same-order condition outperformed the participants in the different-order condition on later free recall and sentence verification tasks about the article, participants in the different-order condition outperformed the same-order participants on inference and problem-solving tasks. Kintsch (1994) explained those results by attributing the difficulty associated with deriving coherence between the background text and the target text with forcing people to create a richly interconnected mental representation of the two. When background material matches the target text, there is little interference or need to develop a new mental model to integrate the two. Although this match facilitates rote memory, it is not as conducive to problem solving or inference making abilities. At this point, it is unclear if spacing and testing have any effects on problem solving beyond contributing increased knowledge, or if they facilitate more sophisticated mental models.https://www.ecopol.com/images/98-jetta-manual-window-regulator.pdf Motivated by Rothkopf's quote that “spacing is the friend of recall, but the enemy induction” and by research showing a massing effect in inductive learning, the authors set out to investigate if massing is in fact more conducive to inductive learning than spacing. In Experiment 1a, participants were shown six different paintings from each of 12 different artists. Six of the artists' works were presented in spaced format, and the other six artists' works were presented in massed format. Experiment 1b was exactly the same, except spacing and massing were manipulated between subjects. At test, participants were shown new paintings one at a time from the previously seen artists and indicated which artist they thought painted the piece. In both experiments, participants were better able to infer new artists' paintings when they learned that artist's work through spaced presentation. Given that the results could be explained by participants simply being able to better remember which artist painted which painting in spaced conditions (a finding that would say nothing about inference), a second experiment was conducted that was almost identical to 1a (the only difference was that the test required participants to discriminate between familiar and unfamiliar artists). The results again revealed an advantage for spaced presentations. A similar study using children was recently published. As with undergraduates learning artists, it turns out that spacing instances of categories improves children's ability to induce whether a new item is a member of the category or not ( Vlach et al., 2008 ). A recent study by Johnson and Mayer (2009) explored whether testing benefits comprehension relative to restudy. In this study, participants learned a narrated animation about how lightning works. This animation, which was 140 s long, was presented on a computer screen. Afterwards, some participants had to study the same animation again (restudy condition), other participants were given a retention test, and the third group of participants received a transfer test consisting of four questions. Subsequently, half of the participants in each of the three conditions received a final retention test and a final transfer test after 5 min, whereas the other half of the participants received these tests after 7 days. It should be noted that the final retention test was identical to the intervening test; the final transfer test consisted of two questions from the intervening test and two new questions. For the present purpose, the most important finding was that at the 7-day delay, Johnson and Mayer found a testing effect on new transfer questions. That is, participants who had received an intervening transfer test, scored better on the new transfer question of the final test than the participants in the restudy condition. However, one peculiar aspect of Johnson and Mayer's study was the animated computer lesson, which was presented without any learner control. This type of material and the presentation format are not typically used in educational settings. Furthermore, the new transfer score was based on only two items, which is problematic in terms of the reliability and the validity of the test scores. Hence, it remains to be seen whether Johnson and Mayer's results can be substantiated in upcoming research. Outside of the spacing and testing literature, researchers have spent many years studying distant transfer—that is, applying knowledge from one domain to solve problems in a relatively unrelated domain. An example of distant transfer is an army general applying his knowledge of chess to battlefield tactics. When business and education leaders call for graduates with complex thinking skills, they are often speaking of distant transfer. In other words, they believe school should give students the knowledge and the skills to take what they learned in the classroom to generate ideas and solve problems in the real world. Using spacing and testing to develop students with such far-reaching abilities would require that cognitive researchers move beyond memory performance as the primary dependent variable in their research. One important element of any efficiency analyses is to get potential end users involved early on. This may initially involve finding the right person, or group of people (having a number of people involved reduces risks, e.g., staff moving positions). Meetings to feedback results at various stages, and to different levels of users, for example, hospital managers, health department staff, will help make sure information is provided to those who want to use it. The researcher has to balance these views and providing all the information to everyone may help. Surveying them, perhaps including a short report, may help refine the measures. Disseminate the results as widely as possible. Make sure users know the limitations of efficiency measures, and that they are a useful policy tool, not the useful policy tool. Results can be manipulated so full provision of information to all may be helpful. 4. Are the right questions being asked? 5. What is the underlying economic theory of production (or cost, does duality theory and the requirement for cost minimization as an objective really apply)? 6. Is the model specified correctly. Hasan extensive sensitivity analysis been undertaken. Ask the advisory group if there are any obvious omitted variables. 7. Are the data really good enough to answer the questions, particularly the output data? 8. Is there any data on quality of care. What will results using just quantity (throughput) data really show. Unless carefully weighted, potentially vital information on quality may have little impact on results. 10. Is the sample inclusive enough,and is one comparing like with like. Exploratory analyses are useful. Just because all hospitals in the sample have the sample categorization, there may be a rogue specialist unit or teaching hospital that may confound the results. Frontier techniques are very susceptible to outliers. Sample size is also an issue. 11. If one is happy with the data and models, what techniques will be used, DEA, SFA or both. Panel data techniques will also allow one to feedback more information, not only on what happens between units, but also what happens over time. Looking at trends over time is more useful than a snap shot. 12. Is two stage analyses being undertaken, if so how are any statistical problems being accounted for? 13. Does one need to generate confidence intervals. Unless one is certain that the sample is all inclusive, then one might wish to account for sampling variation. View chapter Purchase book Read full chapter URL: Conducting Applied Experimental Research James E. Driskell,. Tripp Driskell, in Laboratory Experiments in the Social Sciences (Second Edition), 2014 II Basic and applied research Although we attempted to neatly define applied experimental research in the opening paragraphs of this chapter (and declared some measure of success in doing so), in practice we find that this type of work is not so easily categorized. In the following, we discuss the distinction between basic and applied research and then briefly address the role of theory in applied research. To address the topic of basic versus applied research, we first turn to a seminal figure in the development of science policy and the creation of a scientific infrastructure in the United States, Vannevar Bush. To briefly summarize an illustrious career, Bush was an MIT engineer who became president of the Carnegie Institution (now Carnegie Mellon University) and then director of the federal Office of Scientific Research and Development during World War II. After considerable success leading the wartime research efforts, Bush was approached by President Roosevelt at the conclusion of the war with the request to provide a recommendation on how the lessons learned and successes achieved could be continued in peacetime. Bush’s response, summarized in Science: The Endless Frontier ( Bush, 1945 ), became the blueprint for the establishment of the National Science Foundation (NSF). In this document, Bush wrote: Basic research is performed without thought of practical needs. It results in general knowledge and understanding of nature and its laws. The general knowledge provides the means of answering a large number of important practical problems, though it may not give a complete specific answer to any one of them. Basic research leads to new knowledge. It provides scientific capital. It creates the fund from which the practical applications of knowledge must be drawn. ( Bush, 1945, “The Importance of Basic Research” section, paragraph 1) This is an exceptionally eloquent statement, but as is often the case, its elegance obscures some further qualifications regarding the distinction between basic and applied research. First, the terms basic research and applied research refer to ideal types. In its purest form, basic research involves the testing of theory for the purpose of understanding fundamental processes. The benefits of basic research are long-term, and in many cases, the societal payoff may be in areas that were not even envisioned by the original basic researchers. In its purest form, applied research involves applying theory to identified real-world problems. The benefits of applied research are short-term, and the results have an immediate and identified use or application. However, there is a considerable amount of research that is carried out between these two poles. Rarely are basic researchers not at least cognizant of the broader practical implications of their work, and rarely do applied researchers conduct their work without concern for how their results may extend or elaborate theory. Moreover, there is no one criterion that separates basic from applied research. Some have noted that the motivation of the researcher is a primary factor. Basic researchers will view the primary value of their work as building theory or expanding a body of knowledge, whereas applied researchers will view the primary value of their work as solving a real-world problem. Others have argued that a primary factor separating basic from applied research is the temporal nature of the contribution of the research. The practical payoff from basic research may be years away or simply may not be seen as a significant or relevant question, whereas the practical payoff from applied research is its raison d'etre, and the results are intended to be put into use in the short term in a specific context. It is further useful to note that even the most basic research should have identifiable societal implications, especially from a political standpoint. For example, NSF funds basic research, so it is the primary funding source for basic research in the social sciences, although other agencies sometimes also fund basic research. Although NSF focuses on basic research at the frontiers of knowledge, some NSF-funded results are immediately useful, and NSF often goes to great length to tout these as success studies. Emphasizing these “discoveries” is one way to demonstrate to legislators and other interested parties that the national investment in research and development is being put to good use. The fact that research, both basic and applied, must meet some foreseeable national good recalls a famous anecdote: when the British physicist Faraday was asked by the Finance Minister Gladstone in the 1850 s whether electricity had any practical value, Faraday replied, “One day Sir you may tax it.” It is quite likely that this reply resulted in a well-funded program of research as well as a delighted politician. In one of our favorite quotes, Melton (1952) facetiously labeled basic research as “what I want to do” and applied research as “what someone else wants me to do” (p. 134). Although this may not be as elegant a proclamation as that provided by Vannevar Bush, there is certainly an element of truth in this statement. In practical terms, there is a clear and broad distinction between research designed to test theory and research designed to apply theory. Moreover, as we note in a subsequent section of this chapter, research designed to test theory and research designed to apply theory are conducted in a different manner. Nevertheless, basic and applied research go hand-in-hand, with applied research serving as a bridge between basic research and real-world applications. View chapter Purchase book Read full chapter URL: Introduction Wokje Abrahamse, in Encouraging Pro-Environmental Behaviour, 2019 This Book This book provides an overview of theoretical and applied research on environmentally significant behaviours, (mostly) from an environmental psychology perspective. It gives an overview of research in two key areas: (1) understanding the drivers of human behaviours through theoretical approaches and (2) the effectiveness of behaviour change interventions. The next chapter outlines key theories and concepts used in environmental psychological research. Other theoretical work contained within the chapter includes the role of social norms and so-called stage theories of behaviour change. Chapter 3, Behaviour Change Interventions, provides an overview of commonly used behaviour change interventions. It outlines the assumptions behind the interventions (how they are supposed to work), and discusses what the research tells us about how effective they are. The chapter also briefly outlines the benefits and drawbacks of the various research designs that can be used to measure the effectiveness of behaviour change interventions. Chapter 4, Energy Conservation: For Money, or the Environment?, and Chapter 5, Beyond Information and Incentives (Part 2 of the book), focus on domestic energy consumption. Chapter 4, Energy Conservation: For Money, or the Environment?, is structured around people’s financial and non-financial motivations for saving energy. What does the research tell us about what motivates people to save energy. Is it mostly because of money, or the environment. Chapter 5, Beyond Information and Incentives, discusses three commonly used approaches to reduce domestic energy consumption: financial incentives, information provision, and the use of social influence. It asks: How effective are such interventions. Should energy conservation campaigns emphasise money (self-interest) or the environment (altruism). In Chapter 6, Determinants of Transport Choices, and Chapter 7, Encouraging Sustainable Transport Choices (Part 3 of the book), I focus on sustainable transport. Recent reviews of the literature indicate that habits and self-efficacy are key determinants of travel mode choice. Chapter 7, Encouraging Sustainable Transport Choices, reviews research that tries to encourage mode change via travel demand measures. These include infrastructural changes, regulation, pricing, and information and education. Part 4 ( Chapter 8: Eating Sustainably: Values, Attitudes and Identity, and Chapter 9: Encouraging Sustainable Food Choices) focuses on sustainable food choices. People do not necessarily associate their food choices with environmental impacts. Chapter 8, Eating Sustainably: Values, Attitudes and Identity, sets out the ways in which our food choices impact the environment. It then focuses on the behavioural determinants of organic and local food consumption, and plant-based diets. It includes research findings on human values, attitudes, beliefs, and self-identity. Research in health promotion and related disciplines has a long tradition of examining how to alter food choices. Chapter 9, Encouraging Sustainable Food Choices, is organised around a framework of interventions proposed in health literature (based on Nestle, 2007 ) and applies it to sustainable food choices. Throughout this book, I argue that different sets of behaviours are related to different behavioural determinants. The barriers to reducing car use are not the same as the barriers to taking up active travel; motivations for eating organic food are not necessarily the same as motivations for reducing one’s meat consumption. Intervention planning needs to consider these differences. Behaviour change interventions will be more effective when they target the right behavioural determinants. Climate change is happening and people are causing it. Action is needed, and it is needed urgently. It is up to us. View chapter Purchase book Read full chapter URL: Culture and Evidence-Based Prevention Programs Richard M. Lee,. Anna Lau, in Handbook of Multicultural Mental Health (Second Edition), 2013 II Evidence-Based Prevention Programs Prevention science broadly refers to interdisciplinary, basic, and applied research on the etiology, development, and prevention of health, mental health, and other social problems. A key feature of prevention science is the translation of scientific research into practical preventive interventions. Most evidence-based prevention programs develop according to a prescribed prevention research cycle, outlined by the Institute of Medicine (IOM) Committee on Prevention of Mental Disorder: The first step is to identify and define operationally and reliably the mental disorder(s) or problem. The second step is to consider relevant information from the core biological and behavioral sciences and from research on the treatment of mental disorders, and to review risk and protective factors associated with the onset of the disorder(s) or problem, as well as prior physical and mental disorder prevention intervention research. The investigator then embarks on designing and testing the preventive intervention, by conducting rigorous pilot studies and confirmatory and replication trials (the third step) and extending the initial positive findings in large-scale field trials (the fourth step). The universal prevention program targets a whole population to reduce risk for developing a disorder without regard to individual levels of risk. The selective prevention program targets a subpopulation with a known risk factor for developing a particular disorder. Finally, the indicated prevention program targets individuals with elevated but nonclinical symptoms of a particular disorder and are therefore at greatest clinical risk. Accordingly, prevention programs are most effective when appropriately matched to the level of risk within the defined population. The IOM prevention typology provides a basic framework to organize prevention programs based on levels of risk. This approach, however, does not catalog whether a prevention program works to prevent or reduce mental health disorders. Across registries, additional study criteria to ensure scientific rigor include the use of a randomized controlled trial, replication by an independent investigator, and proven effectiveness in real-world settings. These latter criteria reflect the standards set forth by Chambless and colleagues (1996) to establish psychotherapy efficacy. The growth in EBPP over the past two decades is quite impressive. Excluding evidence-based treatment programs, SAMHSA’s NREPP currently lists 144 EBPPs in its online database registry. The US Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention’s MPG lists 188 EBPPs, with 33 of these programs rated exemplary. All these programs span the IOM prevention spectrum from promotion and positive development to indicated prevention. They also address a wide range of targeted outcomes (e.g., life skills, mental health promotion, substance abuse prevention, and mental health and substance abuse treatment) across the lifespan. Approximately half of the NREPP programs, for instance, target adults over 25 years old. Recent studies, however, suggest that the transferring of experimentally tested EBPPs into community-based settings is increasing. For example, in a 2005 survey of 1,721 middle schools, 43 of schools reported using an EBPP to reduce and prevent drug use, up from 34 in 1999 ( Ringwalt et al., 2009 ). Despite these findings, less than a quarter of the schools involved in that study currently utilize an EBPP, opting instead for convenient, untested, locally developed programs. Similarly, training community-based professionals to implement EBPP with fidelity remains a challenge. View chapter Purchase book Read full chapter URL: Memory S. Magnussen, T. Brennen, in International Encyclopedia of Education (Third Edition), 2010 The Future for Memory Research Memory research finds itself at the touching point between basic and applied research. On the one hand, it is becoming more integrated into neuroscience, with studies using cognitive tasks in conjunction with brain imaging methods, for instance. On the other hand, the emphasis on an understanding of memory in everyday contexts is strengthening.